RE-EXAMINING OUR CYNICISM: THE POST-CONFAB POLITICS

RE-EXAMINING OUR CYNICISM: THE POST-CONFAB POLITICS

By Kay Aderibigbe

 

My cousin wrote on his Facebook wall about how disappointing the 2014 Confab had turned out to be , but someone labelled him a cynic whose camp may fall anytime soon. I culled from the profile of this 'optimist' that he was born in 1962. Apparently, he witnessed all the Confabs in post-colonial Nigeria. He also enjoyed some free education. At the moment, he works in the civil service. He should be able to recount the outcome of his optimism towards misgovernance in this part of the world because he had a better experience of militarization of politics than anybody in our 'generation of cynics'.

 

Not more than three days later, I met some men who are of the same age grade with the man just described and their response on how the Confab had fared was invariant. If these early Nigerians are 'normal people' how come did Nelson Mandela said "Nigeria is made up of people who are naturally comfortable with poverty since they tolerated irresponsible regimes beyond common sense"?

 

It is against this backdrop that we have opted to juxtapose the recommendations of the conference with the realities of our society, because John Plamenatz opined  that "every thinker, even the most abstract is deeply influenced by the circumstance of his day"

 

With an estimated crunchy official amount of #7bn, a total of 492 persons were contracted to discuss issues relating to the state of the nation (excluding the concept of Nigerianity). A distillate of apolitical and seasonal politicians that made up the delegates gave us some interesting an unconventional 'dramas'. The participatory Nigerian public were keen at the mood with which some salient topical issues were  being propagated albeit the much-touted ratification that is expected through the National Assembly, if it will ever happen.

 

Some monumental failures can be identified from the just concluded talk-show. To mention a few, the delegates did not deem it fit to nip in the bud the menace of insecurity with the platform given to them (since it is a rare opportunity). Secondly, they did not see anything wrong with the politics of budget that wouldn't materialize at every January, as such, legitimizing the delay tactics that characterizes a previous year budget running into non-implementation with the current year. Thirdly, majority of their thoughts/decisions were clouded by ethnic sentiments and chauvinism. Finally, they failed at prescribing a plausible panacea for our ailing democracy because their sense of commitment to Nigerian nationhood had been eroded by political patronage.

 

Political talk show over the years is a symbolism of non-agreeable consensus. While the problem created  by this very one is that it has divided more sharply that strata, which existed between North and South because the nucleus of its operation had degenerated into political chaos and consequently, given the room to downplay its significance by the National Assembly. Why then have we spent so much money on disagreement over what we knew have political error? The time, purpose and dramatis personae are error-based, period!

 

Scientific examinations of past political conferences have led us to the conclusion that government in most cases resort to Confab as a means to pacifying  the public. Political actors would rather disregard the findings and recommendations made because it is always invasive of their plutocratic personalities. Even, at that, we were earnestly awaiting a situation where the delegates would pin point a particular social issue (at least from the myriad available).

 

The request by Mr. President that National Assembly should approve a loan of #1bn in order to fight terrorism is an indication that the highly priced delegates do not even understand what is meant by Boko Haram and the piper, which dictated their tune never attempted to unravel the concept.

 

Meanwhile, a sum of #968bn, an amount representing 20% of the 2014 budget was earmarked for defense just on the 23rd of May this year. If I am permitted to quote the President “how do you fight what you do not see?” This symbolizes that the intricacies of security challenges at the moment is incomprehensible to the number one citizen.

In a plane language, Confab could not see Boko Haram despite its ubiquity in the North East. Then, what have they seen? More states to be created I presume. I sincerely wish the president and his cohorts will use the loan in the right way. Let the truth be told; if we continue as a state, to take with levity or politicize insecurity challenges, what we will get in return is the demonization of the minds of minors and teenage girls who now blow up themselves as instrument of terrorism.

 

The minister of information and those that are versed in the art of falsifying societal realities are yet to come out and deny that those kidnapped Chibok girls are not the same kids bombing themselves as suicide agents. Since the state is aware of the deep-seated hatred in the minds of perpetrators of terrorism in Nigeria today I don't think any amount is too much to drive the country out of madness, but the sincerity of purpose and seriousness of government towards our social contract are the factor that matter to me.

 

I will eschew the trend of our cynicism for the time being and pray that the Almighty God sow discord in the midst of those that are behind Boko Haram so that we can breathe peace in Nigeria, (Amen).

SOCIETAL MORALITY AND IMPEACHMENT

SOCIETAL MORALITY AND IMPEACHMENT

By Kay Aderibigbe

Our first experience of impeachment happened on the 21st of May 1962, when the house passed a vote of  no confidence on the Premier, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, then, Sir, Adesoji Aderemi, the Governor, through Sec33(10) of the constitution of Western Nigeria , set out in the first schedule to the Nigerian constitution Order in Council 1960, removed the  Premier while Mr. Adegbenro Soroye was made the premier.

 

Consequent upon this was the declaration of state of emergency by the Federal Government four days later due to a burlesque presentation of party events in the National Assembly complex in Lagos. Anti-party activities and party perfidy was the dynamo that triggered the impeachment  of Akintola, but a higher political party invasion suspended the Government of Western Region and brought back Akintola after six months of emergency rule.

 

Impeachment was utterly employed as a political weapon when Mr. Balarabe Musa of People's Redemption Party found himself in an Assembly dominated by National Party of Nigeria, a Federal Government party. Balarabe was impeached on June 23, 1981 as a result of 'majoritarian politics"

 

Nigeria's fifteen years of democratic experience has featured impeachment of six Governors, i.e, Rasheed Ladoja (Oyo) Alamieyeseigha (Bayalsa) Ayo Fayose (Ekiti) Joshua Dariye (Plateau) Peter Obi (Anambra) Muratala Nyako (Adamawa) being the latest. An objective analysis of events in the light of above cases would better be done through utility of politics.

 

The issue of political weapon comes into play when the affected Governor was 'victimized' on the ground of minority posture of his party in the scheme of things. This is always the voice/tone of politicians that were defeated; while those that win term it a fight for the state and the triumph of democratic tenets.

 

Why is impeachment possible in a democracy? The simple answer is to erect separation of powers as espoused by Baron de Montesquieu (1689- 1755). Chapter 1v, part 11, section 188(1)-(10) of the 1999 constitution, stated in clear language how a state Governor/Deputy can be removed from office. Political analysts are unable to agree whether the concept of 'gross misconduct' should fall within the purview of the legislature or the judiciary.

 

'Gross misconduct' according to 1999 constitution means a grave violation or breach  of the provisions of this constitution or a misconduct of such nature as amounts in the opinion  in the House of Assembly  to gross misconduct'.

 

An epistemological appraisal of the concept of impeachment do not afford  open- jacket definition to those who perceive it as a weapon either. This is because there is embedded slim checks between the House, judiciary and an independent body of investigators that are meant to prove/probe the allegation(s). For instance, the 2006 maladroit impeachment of Ladoja in Oyo state was revoked by two different courts despite the political strength of those that wrestled with the Governor, and moreover, everyone involved smell the pure travesty of parliamentary politics perpetrated.

 

There are two sides to an impeachment of a state Governor. One, the legislators that removed a Governor from office must have perceived a state perfidy/corrupt practices on the part of the executive. In the second place, the political camp where those 2/3 belong must be safe, strong and adhesive of the consequential effects (politically). In my opinion, there is always a 'democracy of the minds' of politicians that enables them (legislature and executive)  to function in unity  either against or for the society that elected them.

 

In Nigeria, purveyors of divesting macabre (politicians) would see impeachment from one angle, but a policy analyst will always look at it from different dimensions. Adamawa state Assembly had worked with Nyako for seven years. They even passed a vote of confidence in him last year October. How come did they plotted against him now? Many will attribute the move to partisan differences, yes it is true! Do we ask why they prevailed? What happened to the #6bn he couldn't account for? Why did he refused to defend himself even, when the seven-man committee set up by the court were advertising that he should come?

 

The fault lies with the constitution. It makes public accountability difficult since there is absence of  'constituency surgery' - calling representatives to explain how they spent their constituency allowance over every 2 years. Since majority of our people are illiterates they cannot even deploy a 'recall'. Thereby leaving law makers to assume they are veritable mountains.

Whoever is swept away by the flood of impeachment should not be politicized because politicians are heretics of their own concept. After all, every Assembly and Governor are party to any sort of embezzlement of public fund. We should long for the democratization of life instead of crying a river over politicians who hide under party sympathy to defraud their people.

 

THE MOST DRAMATIC CONFERENCE EVER

THE MOST DRAMATIC CONFERENCE EVER

By Kay Aderibigbe

 

The assertion that 'Nigeria as a state only enjoys an abstract existence' according to Oyovbaire Sam, seems so quite incredible, but socio-political occurrences over the years have lent credence to that fact.

For a variety of reasons Nigerian politicians, who have also paraded themselves as administrators have displayed embarrassing and unintelligent wits in their resolve to addressing societal problems, yet, they remained impenitent through the course of their inglorious actions.

 

We have been following keenly, decisions of the National Conference since the division of the delegates into twenty specialized committees to study different issues with fundamental errors.  Among which are devolution of powers; cost of governance; structure of government and the entire outlook of the 1999 constitution.

 

Meanwhile, the delegates started out with the normal sickness of 'consensus'. Following that was the problem of adopting the agreed threshold, i.e. 70% to arriving at a popular consensus on any concluded issue. For instance, matters such as state police; rotational presidency; adoption of six geo-political zones; eradication of 774 LGAs from the constitution; resource control and indegene/settler have been criticized by a section of the conference.

 

Consequently, the opposing team within the conference who demanded that there ought to be a reversal of almost all the initially agreed upon issue is made up of delegates from the North East and North Central. They canvassed for the adoption of what they termed personality vote or head count, as against voice vote.

 

Prior to the emergence of the mushroom committees on all these so called 'national issues' there was created within the conference, a group of political figures representing each geo-political zones, saddled with the responsibility of harnessing divergent opinions into a concrete whole; in order to promote a less-rowdy plenary session. They call these people consensus bridge-building group, but I call them the ‘political silencer’.

For record purpose: Chief Dokpesi, Edwin Clark, Gen Ike Nwachukwu, Prof Ibarahim Gambari, Prof Jerry Gana, Ibrahim Comassie, Prof Anwalu Yadudu, Olu Falae and eleven others formed the group.

 

Majority of the delegates approve of this group and they are quite aware of its functions. In the same vein, they all agreed that the cost of governance was too high and should be drastically cut down. Prompting for example, the recommendation that ministers should be reduced to eighteen (18) instead of the abnormal (36*2). On the contrary, the same conference deemed it fit to increase number of federating states in Nigeria to 54.

 

Little wonder they clamoured for state police and resource control. The implication of more state creation will not only plunge the country into financial  chaos, but economic stagnation. This is because the whole idea of cost of administration reduction is at variance with federal character principle. Those daft delegates that refused, neglected, failed or forgot to pluck out the root of administrative and political laxity (federal character) from the system will only succeed at making the economically non-viable states regress the more.

 

To make a mess of the whole morass, we should be expecting 108 ministers, because only Nigerian government appoints a minister for state; 54 commissioners of partisan police; 166 senators and as many as possible representatives. The synthesis will therefore be, more militia in the South, more Boko Haram in the North, more kidnappers in the East, since the real issue of economic failure, energy, education, value of naira, unemployment and misplaced socio-cultural values are left unaddressed.

 

I am really sorry that the same old people, like I told us in my previous article on national conference, who have presented a somewhat insuperable posture of Nigeria's situation are still commissioned with tax payers' money to blow the dust out of our eyes. Alas!