THE HATE SPEECHES BILL 2019: A Proposed Law from the stable of an unintelligent Senator. (By Kay Aderibigbe)

THE HATE SPEECH BILL 2019: A Proposed Law from the stable of an unintelligent Senator.
(By Kay Aderibigbe)

It does not surprise me when I heard that one senator Aliyu Sabi Abdulahi, representing Northern Niger District sponsored the "National Commission for the Prohibition of Hate Speeches Bill 2019". The same man did try to do the same thing during the 8th National Assembly, but he failed due to the philosophical and ideological differences between the Executive and the leadership of the Legislative arm between the years 2015 and 2019. This man, with the brigade of his APC majoritarianism, haven formed rubber-stamp parliamentarians, thought they could just fabricate any law without reading the pulse of the society the law is meant for.

This write-up is meant to extrapolate from three perspectives, the fundamental problems whose resultant effect is usually a type of socio-political anomaly like the Hate Speech Bill. One, from the viewpoint of display of lack of jurisprudential knowledge by the sponsor of the bill. Two, from the angle of irresponsible leadership in Nigeria. Three, from the dimension of disarticulated and faulty political culture.

Let us consider the first perspective. It is obvious that the senator who introduced the obnoxious bill is quite unintelligent when it comes to lawmaking. Here is a copy of part of what the Hate Speech Bill says ... "a person who uses, publishes, presents, produces, plays, provided, distributes, and/ or directs the performance of any material written and or visual which is threatening, abusive or insulting or involves the use of threatening , abusive or insulting words or behaviour commits an offense if such person intends thereby to stir up ethnic hatred, or having regard for all the circumstances, ethnic hatred is likely to be stirred up against any person or persons from such an ethnic group in Nigeria".

Section 4(2) of the bill provides that any person found to have committed this offense shall be liable to life imprisonment and where the act causes any loss of life, the person shall be punished through death by hanging.

Some important questions could be deduced from the above proposed law. (i) What wordings connote or constitute hate speech? (ii) How do we identify who has the intention to stir up ethnic hatred? (iii) How do we determine which scenario was meant to stir up ethnic hatred or the one that was hijacked by villains? (iv) For instance, what happens when an alleged hate speech offender claimed his/her social media account was hacked (v) How do we carry out a forensic analysis in order to differentiate an innocent citizen whose online account was hacked from the real offender?. Unless senator Sabi and his colleagues can convincingly answer the above questions they simply, respectfully, remain an unintelligent set of people and should cover their faces in shame.

The majority of the 9th Assembly lawmakers were among those that promulgated the Cyber Crime Law 2015. The law is so defective to the extent that law enforcement agencies could not resolve so many cybercrime cases due to the technological backwardness of Nigeria. As a result of this, many innocent Nigerians are behind the bars suffering in the name of haphazardly constructed legislative enactment, while our jaundiced judicial system could not help their lot either. The same fate awaits majority of Nigerians the moment the senate accepts to bundle in the Hate Speech Bill into Law.

The second perspective will reveal that the tragedy of leadership in Nigeria is such a dismal type. This is because majority of those in position of authority do not see power as a tool for the management of collective social trust, but rather, as a means to attaining personal goals. If life imprisonment or death sentence is deemed appropriate for those who voice out their frustrations against misgovernance or injustice, how come the same punishment cannot be applied in the case of politicians who cause ethnic hatred and get many Nigerians killed at every election?

The same senators that are caught in the web of political dance of macabre also failed to pronounce death penalty for the looters of state treasury. How do we explain the cancerous corruption that is flowing in the bloodstream of an average Nigerian politician? These senators are also bereft of ideas when we raise the issue of insecurity that has torn the socio-cultural fabrics of Nigeria into pieces. They failed to rejuvenate the economy. They failed in addressing the issue of poverty. The aforementioned dynamics of failure summarized the irresponsibility on the path of leadership in Nigeria.

Invariably, the same monumental failures highlighted above could be said to be the harbinger of the hate speeches these empty head senators are legislating about. If Nigerians are gainfully employed in their large numbers and politicians are not obsessed with stealing or neglecting their responsibilities we will definitely have less to talk about on the issue of hate speech. "It is only in the slavocratic era, with irresponsible leadership, that lawmakers are worried about what people will think or say. What the people will do, eat, use and become is the concern of the contemporary governments in modern time".

The last lens with which we want to look at the Hate Speech Bill is that of disarticulated political culture. What is political culture? This is the set of attitudes orientations and beliefs which give order and meaning to the process of politics and which provides the guidelines that govern behaviour in a political system. The type of culture of politics in Nigeria is incapable of definition. This is due to economic determinism of the people which is both religiously inclined and socially incongruent. In the same vein, many Nigerians are parochial and nation-based, as against the advance societal norm of being participatory and state-oriented.

The man who brought the Hate Speech Bill to the Senate is an example of a parochial citizen; a product of dysfunctional political culture. He is narrow-minded. He is more of a selfist than a nationalist. He is just a 'legislative contractor'; one who must have been motivated by the proceeds (monetary gains) of such a draconian piece of law. Why do we need a commission for Hate Speech? Why must there be offices for the commission across the nation? If the man is truly an apostle of ethnic unification in this country he wouldn't be pushing for a law that will victimize the common man, the press, opinion leaders and especially, the social media, which in the recent time, has become the voice of the voiceless in a country where rulers claimed not to hear what the people are saying.

It is only in a disarticulated political society where unintelligent and irresponsible rulers are in charge that you get to hear about something like hate speech bill in the 21 century.

BUHARI'S ECONOMIC POLICIES: A clear pointer to lack of perspicacity in the areas of fiscal and monetary policies on the path of his handlers. (By Kay Aderibigbe)

Nigerians, with exaggerated hopes, listened and absorbed inadvertently, to all the lies and blames dished out by APC government on why the economy has failed and the consequent recession that dehydrated almost everyone and their businesses. The blame games was followed by Buhari's second stint at the helm of affairs with the attendant series of incongruent, disarticulated and haphazardly thought-out economic ideas, which could, on its own, crumble the already damaged economy left behind by his predecessors. Some of those ill-conceived ideas include the continuation of multiple exchange rate system, continuous borrowings, increment of VAT and the idea of budget financing through new and obnoxious taxes.

In the first place, it was Mr Buhari's idea of 'float-managing' the Naira (controlling the currency value through​ CBN intervention) that crashed the Naira against dollars. Had it been the Naira was completely floated by adopting a flexible exchange rate system, Naira would have gained value by now with the help of market forces, i.e. what we export and import.

On the issue of borrowings, one thing still remains a mystery ever since president Buhari decided to increase our debt from N4.96trillion in 2015 to N25.95trillion. We could not point to any tangible percentage ​of infrastructural development despite the fact that IMF and other creditor agencies actually allowed us to take these loans for the purpose of social and economic infrastructural investment. Another $3billion has just been approved by IMF in September for the sake of electricity; we shall wait and see what becomes of power supply.

The new VAT will be in operation by 2020 at the rate of 7.5%. This means that the policy makers did not see anything wrong in the 11.24% inflation rate. The implication of the new VAT is that the personal income tax which stood at 24% will suffer invisible or indirect increase because VAT and other forms of taxation are directly proportional to the velocity of money (the rate at which money is exchanged in an economy) and the purchasing power of money.

The other issue is that of financing the N1.859 trillion budget deficits of 2019 with tax and concessions. Since the government realized that the Fiscal Responsibility Act 2007 provided a shield where they can hide, as such, they decided to introduce new tax systems in order to cover up for their inability to boost common GDP with sound and business-friendly economic policies. Ordinarily, a good fiscal policy is meant to condition aggregate demand (consumptions, investments, government spendings and imports) with the main purpose of attaining price stability, full employment and economic growth. On the contrary, the Nigerian government uses contractionary fiscal policy instead of expansionary; they borrow money for looting instead of infrastructural investment; and also, legislated that future budgets could better be financed through the introduction of new taxes.

The minister of finance, Zainab Hamed, defended government's action by stating that oil revenue is dwindling at $57 per barrel even, when we supply 2.18million barrel per day. If that is the case, must the budget be financed by the masses hard earned money? What type of budget are we even talking about? A type of "budget that is characteristically deficit and synchronized with the pulse of the rich". If Nigeria intends to be a tax-collector state we should have a commensurate service for the people also. Not when N160billion is budgeted for the Universal Basic Education and other Educational Spendings, while the health system gets a paltry sum of N46billion. Even, the Inspector General of Police told the National Assembly that the N9.2billion approved in the 2019 budget for the police overhead cost cannot fuel police vehicles for six months.

There is no harm in taking from the rich oil companies in order to boost the economy. If the National Assembly could negotiate effectively on the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contract (Amendment) Bill 2018 that is awaiting a final touch, there is still a way forward. But not to be extorting those that: are underemployed or unemployed in large numbers, source their own water, ply bad roads daily, pay for electricity but get darkness, and above all, labour tirelessly for a currency that has little value.

The good move by Mr Buhari's government in the recent time is the partial closure of land borders for the purpose of filtering contents; and the idea of compelling commercial banks to grant loans to businesses. Though, the border issue wasn't critically defined because our production capacity is quite low. While the loan policy is suppose to capture certain critical sector(s) of the economy holistically. Altogether, he did well despite the overall shortcomings of his government. But invariably, the gains of all these ideas are going to be defeated in the long run because of the multiplier effects of the numerous unreasonable taxes he introduced.


It will be wise for Mr Buhari and his team of economic advisers to have a rethink and jettison the idea of milking the society for the purpose of budgets that does not have positive impact on the people. We must make good use of our population advantage and transform to a producer state. It is important to engage in industrialization as against our absolute dependency on fossil fuel. All those that have one thing or the other to do with Nigeria's fiscal and monetary policies should know that, "for a nation to try to tax itself into prosperity is like a man standing in a bucket and trying to lift himself up by the handle". (Sir Winston Churchill, in his Town Hall address to his party men in Malmesbury on December 18 1904).

XENOPHOBIA AND SOUTH AFRICA: A PRODUCT OF AFRICA'S INABILITY TO OPERATIONALIZE DEVELOPMENT By Kay Aderibigbe

XENOPHOBIA AND SOUTH AFRICA: A PRODUCT OF AFRICA'S INABILITY TO OPERATIONALIZE DEVELOPMENT
By Kay Aderibigbe



This issue requires that I deplore a didactic tone (teaching) and also, be a bit pedantic (concerned with minor details). I may have to dwell on the contemporary, ecological and fundamental factors that aided the outburst and continuous recurrence of attacks on black foreigners in South Africa simply because, "every thinker, even the most abstract, is deeply influenced by the circumstance of his day" (J. Petrov Plamenatz,1966 p.9)
To start with, the incidence of the killing of blacks in South Africa does not fit into the definition of xenophobia, rather, it is known as blackophobia; with acute Nigeriaphobia. This is because those that are being targeted and killed from the year 2000 to date are blacks with special concentration on Nigerians. The situation has been condemned, justified and evaluated through various literature from different quarters in the last few days. But to my utmost amazement, despite the razzmatazz by diplomats, academics, politicians, and analysts none of these analyses has produced or suggested a laudable solution to the matter. Instead, various commentators speak from ethnocentric perspectives, talk about history, apportioned blames, proffer partial/temporary or no solution then draw the curtain on the matter.

For the sake of everyone and the intended future victims of this type of attack, I am going to break the issue into themes (thematic approach), narrow down the scope into topical units and draw conclusions on what I thought would be the best possible solution.
Quoting Mrs. Neledi Pandor, South Africa's foreign affairs minister, "my countrymen believe Nigerians are harming our youths". This very statement encompasses those issues espoused as the basis for the deep-seated hatred which resulted in the attacks. Let us assume the allegations of drug crime and human trafficking have been substantiated, does that justify the savagery and barbaric attacks on anyone in a country where the law exists? What happened to the police as an institution? Is the head of the police also conniving with Nigerians? What is the function of their judiciary? If rape cases, homicide and HIV/AIDS remain at its peak in South Africa without the local populace bating their eyelids in shame, then the attacks on Nigerians and other blacks, in my opinion, is nothing but pure hatred and intolerance.

If drug crime is the yardstick for killing Nigerians in South Africa then, we could as well say that some South Americans in the USA ought to have been killed for masterminding the importation of drugs into the USA. One good case study that will reveal how South Africa has failed to manage development in the 21st century is the recent arrest of 80 Nigerian fraudsters by the FBI. Why didn't Americans lynch them? Why were they not mobbed or burnt alive by victims of scams? That is the difference between a nation that has fine-tuned​ development and a society that is still grappling with the rudiments of social mobilization.

Talking about Nigeria and why we have numerous people moving out of the country in search of greener pastures, and in most cases, found of not properly conducting themselves in foreign lands is basically due to long years of economic decay and social disarticulation caused by leadership failure. This is why we are at the receiving end of so many maltreatments and abuses across the globe. The same leadership failure was at play when Nigeria's government spent billions of dollars in helping South Africa out of apartheid rule but failed to negotiate what Nigeria should get in return like the way Libya and Cuba did before April 27, 1994.

Now that our anti-apartheid $61bn efforts have been declared a waste, can Nigeria sever diplomatic ties with the 'rainbow nation'?. The answer is no. At least for now, it is affirmatively no. Why can't we? "The available statistics from the Nigerian high commission in Pretoria showed that over 800,000 Nigerians are legally living in South Africa" - Geoffrey Onyema, Nigeria's foreign affairs minister, (Punch, Friday 6, 2019). Another reason is that there are over twenty (20) South African businesses in Nigeria; ranging from banking, telecoms, distilling to merchandising. You should know what that means in terms of employment. Also, a yearly estimate of about $3.83bn foreign exchange earnings comes into Nigeria from South Africa (World Trade Report, 2018 p.16). Considering the insignificant less than 1% revenue of $514m Nigeria contributes​ to South Africa's wealth in terms of import, I think they would not feel the heat if we boycott their products.

According to South Africa's defense minister, Novisiwe Mapisa, "nothing can be done about the nature of the attack because it is based on anger". It is glaring from the above assertion that more blacks will still be attacked and killed in the nearest future. What can we do to at least reduce the effect of this crisis and eventually put a permanent stop to it?.

Since the failures of different economies in Africa was the reason for the influx of the black population into South Africa, then, it is sacrosanct we organize enabling economies around Africa in order to encourage Africans to stay in their countries of origin and harness local resources to cater for themselves. It may not seem easy but the best possible way to go about it is to adopt the European Union method.
Firstly, common currency with strong purchasing power will discourage the majority from migrating out of their native countries. For instance, if any unit of African currency can command the same value anywhere within the continent there will be less scramble for scarce resources​ that are concentrated in one single country while the type of socio-psychological erosion of lives that is happening in South Africa could be avoided. Secondly, a zero-tariff system on inter-African commodities will help develop the mass market, create employment and break the vicious cycle of poverty that is typical of the majority of African nations. Thirdly, easy and affordable movement of people, goods and services within Africa through a web of rail links will hasten the socio-economic decongestion of a place like South Africa where other blacks fellows are not welcomed.

The icing on the cake for this type of remodeled African union will be the adoption of a policy that looks like the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 by the European Union. With such a treaty, Africans can regulate immigration, labour, weight, security, domestic cum foreign affairs and judicial system on a parallel line without misplacing indigenous cultures and value systems.
It is a pity that Nigeria that needs African union of this type the most is the same country dragging everyone behind from enacting the necessary policies. The irony of the matter is that the same Nigeria and South Africa that are at loggerheads now are also the nations in the best position to push the rest of Africa into adopting​ a remodeled​ African Union that can save us from future economic doom and social unrest.
It is the economic success of the majority of African nations through supra-national political arrangements, economic Integration and social cohesion that can arrest the menace of xenophobia, blackophobia, the exportation of organized crime, chronic unemployment, and social tension. As long as South Africa remains relatively economically stable, and the rest of Africa are somewhat poor or static, people will continue to migrate into South Africa and there will always be reasons/excuses for the indigenous population that have been 'apartheidly' recreated to rise against foreigners in that country.

FAILED FISCAL SYSTEM AND POLITICAL BEGGARY

FAILED FISCAL SYSTEM AND POLITICAL BEGGARY 

The Nexus between the state and economy in Nigeria is such an inertia type, which is why both institutions are systematically​ antithetical. This is because there is rarely a meeting point between the government's prioritized​ endeavours (political decisions) and the needs of our people (economy).

Over the years, Nigeria has solely depended on fossil fuel and eschewed all other meaningful commercial alternative avenues that could provide as much as we earn from oil today. The resultant effect being that all the 36 states of the federation plan their yearly budgets based on allocations from the Federation Account. Invariably, ancillary palliative measures to foreign exchange such as: internal/external loans; bi-lateral grants from donor country or multilateral/international organizations​ and economic bail outs of any sort are no longer seen as occasional or second plan ideas, but rather, these debt procurement method is now the most fashionable means of planning budgetary provisions in Nigeria. 

A flash back into the era of regionalism will show how unashamed, unscrupulous and unintelligent political administrators​ have become. Before the proliferation of states regions​ are specialists in agricultural products which served as veritable sources of income. "Regional governments are the landlords that contributed​ quota/taxes to the federation's pocket" (Leo Dare, 1978). "This actually weakened any sort of intending or imaginary central monopoly of power" (Adeoye Akinsanya, 1985). "Our balance of trade and payment was enhanced in favour of naira as a currency" (Claude Ake, 1970).

The fiscal system during the days of regionalism​ did not allow parliamentarians or politicians the uncountable retinue of aids they parade today. There were lesser or non-performing ministries. Agriculture simply made government the largest employer of labour, not the fraudulent or opaque NNPC. The civil service consisted those ingenuous and industrious people with job roles, unlike now when we have ghost workers who do nothing and earn tax payers money.

Since 1976, state creation did not allow vestigial states the kind of regional economic platforms that could enable those states exist in commensalism with the federal government. Moreover, many state governors are thieves, foolish and greedy to the extent that they loot through any imaginary means they could fathom. These state governors lacked creative mentalities; they are so comfortable with the whole administrative rot/decadence that they took after the federal method of politics by creating avalanche of ministries with uncountable appointments.

The collapse of oil price mete out an attendant effect to Nigeria and the country slumped into financial crises. Both the Federal and State governments are owing in Nigeria. As of today, the country is owing #24.95 trillion. The amount owed to external governments and agencies is $25.61 billion. We keep borrowing to the extent that we now borrow to pay salaries. The Chinese government for instance will continue to lend us money because their leaders have foresight and they know that Nigeria will at one time or the other become a vassal state to China. 

I once put forward a 'theory of federal dislocation' that could help us evade paying these huge debts by dissolving the country and allow splinter states take formations. It is a pity the theory cannot apply to Nigeria because even, individual state borrow uncontrollably and they do not have any meaningful development to show for it. Imagine Lagos is owing #542 billion; Rivers #225 billion; Delta #223 billion and so on. If you check at the office of Debt Management they will tell you that the ratio of our debt to GDP is 19.03%, this is a shame. Politicians will tell you that recession warranted the borrowing. Is that why we must borrow to pay salaries? The wage bill of these states is almost 75% of their monthly allocations; little wonder many of our states in Nigeria look as if they are still in the 19th century!

The important questions are: (i) for how long will this unnecessary political/financial babihanla (beggary) continue? (ii) when will state governments in Nigeria develop their own internal capacities to generating wealth? (iii) for how long will oil crisis continue to degenerate into financial crises for Nigeria? (iv) what is the plan of the current political regime on economic diversification? (v) why did we continue to borrow and neglect our GDP? (vi) must government  appoint/employ so many people who contribute nothing to the economic development of the state but receive salaries in the name of carrying files? 

My own submission is that fiscal federalism​ will go a long way to put to rest the case of shortage/dearth of financial resources; it will tame the menace of financial impropriety; it will abate the precarious situation of the economy; it is going to weed out the non-performing section(s) of the civil service; it will promote internal competitions; our mass market shall be enhanced; the economy will be diversified; the ubiquity of federal character principle shall be relatively reduced or silenced while a state-centred as against centripetal federalism will be promoted.

In a simple language, different states have mineral resources, they should be constitutionally empowered to put those materials into industrialization while they will only remit taxes to the federal government. States with little or no natural resources can resort to pure agriculture or energy-based productions. Against this backdrop, federal politics will become less chaotic if there is no much goodies to suck, as such, the centre will be administrative-driven, purposeful and rule-oriented. The reliance on oil will reduce drastically. Moreover, financial problems will no longer warrant political babihanla (borrowings) that has continued to encourage ineptness, dormancy and over reliance on federal government by all and sundry.

Unless the government of this or future era look critically into the aforementioned problems and the outlined solutions, failure of public policies will no longer be seen as a setback but rather, as a propellant for government officials to always arise and stereotype Nigerians as refugees in their own country. This, they will do and continue to do despite the volume of illegitimate largesse they enjoy in the midst of fiscal imbalance that pervaded the country.

BOKO HARAM: belligerency coagulated by some northern greedy elites but later made a national problem.

BOKO HARAM: belligerency coagulated by some northern greedy elites but later made a national problem.

The roots of Boko Haram (Jama'at as Sunnah lid-Da'wah Wa'l-Jihad) could be traced to a period when some northern Governors, led by the then Zamfara state Governor, Ahmed Sani Yarima, immediately after the rebirth of democracy in 1999, came up with the idea of Sharia law. One thing remained a mystery to politicians down south and political analysts about the Sharia call - a larger percentage of northern Nigeria had been practicing Sharia system even before colonization, while the imperialists kept their own part of the suzerainty bargain by allowing a sort of differential judicial system to flourish around 1914-1960 in the South and North of Nigeria respectively (Razak Adefulu, 2008). Yet, some northern political albatross were bent on anaesthetizing the vast uneducated northern population in the name of Sharia for some reasons best known to them.

The above preamble is a political systematic pointer to the fact that the desire of these northern Governors to institute a needless 'fast and furious second phase' of Sharia was probably meant to arrange a grand cover up for some surreptitious anti-state, anti-unity, anti-Nigerian and pro-Islamist/northern elitists agenda which may or have to remain asymptomatic for a very long time, based on their projections.

The so much propagated Sharia actually blossomed in fecundity and various splinter groups emerged from the myriad of religious sects that were active in the North. One of those splinter groups, known as Boko Haram was led by Muhammed Yusuf. According to their leader, his goal was to "purify Islam in northern Nigeria". Thusly, the group was able to appeal to few irrational elites and majority of impoverished, uneducated socially relegated class of people called 'Almajiris'. Muhammed grew in influence and his charisma was gradually becoming archetypal of the radical Muhammed Marwa (Maitatsine), who was slain by the military regime of the second republic. As a result of his fundamentalism, the federal government of Nigeria wrongfully, against the advice of the United Nations, summarily executed him in detention and a police cover up story was created thereafter; consequent upon this, his followers became uncontrollable.

Apart from the death of Muhammed Yusuf, some other factors could be said to have exacerbated the metamorphosis of Boko Haram into a full scale violence monger and a terrorist organization. At first, some untouchable northern political big wigs who are engaged in the clandestine business of illegal mining of our collective mineral resources employed the services of Boko Haram foot soldiers for security purposes by arming them and strategically placing them as watch dogs over illegal cartel.  Majority of these boys gained economic consciousness along the line and they fell out of favour with their masters. Invariably, they preferred to be seen as public enemies in the name of what I term ‘self-defined Islam’, rather than serve those that are milking the existence of the entire society. Since these boys do not really have anything to show for their servitude in the first place, they seemed justified based on their consciences and irrational belief system.

Another factor that aided the progression of Boko Haram could be buttressed by the analysis of Stephen Davis, the former Anglican clergyman who used to negotiate with Boko Haram. According to him "many of these Islamist extremists were at one time or the other on the payroll of some big northern politicians because they constitute a useful formidable force that could wreck havoc, kidnap, kill, disjoint or disrupt gathering of any sort at the behest of their master(s)" ... emphasis added. (Lamb Christina, Sunday Times, 20^th of March 2016).

 In a similar manner in which the various militia groups in the South were illegally empowered with firearms and later abandoned to figure out what to do on their own, after their patrons/promoters must have attained the so much coveted political office(s), Boko Haram members were also left in the cold, egregiously used; and dumped by the same political class who once paid them for committing atrocious acts.

Thirdly, the issue of poverty, social inequality, lack of education and almost near absence of responsible government in the lives/situations of the generality of the core North population, most especially the Almajiri hordes, also, contributed to the change of mentality of the Boko Haram members in such a way that made them embrace terror as an escape/revenge/second plan or change of life route out of their dilemma. These and numerous cases of extra Judicial killings of the sect members endeared them to international Islamist apologist groups such as Al-Shabaab, Hamas and Al-Qaeda, who are always ready to sponsor extremism in the midst of profound penury and religious fanaticism.

Series of violent campaigns which earned Boko Haram a serious international terrorist ranking started after their leader was killed on the 30th of July 2009. The group had since then moved from launching of Improvised Explosive Device (IED) to massive killings, multitudinous abduction and outright pledging of allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL). Boko Haram now goes by the name Islamic State's West Africa Province (IWSAP). The velocity of the group's involvement in terrorism has been on a tremendous increase since September 8th 2010, when a prison break was carried out in Bauchi state and 150 of its members were rescued.

If Boko Haram would be decimated I think it should have been in the year 2011 when the federal government earmarked 20% of our budget for the purpose of addressing insecurity. Anytime any government anywhere spends $5.5 billion to fight terrorism like we did in that year the resultant effect is always evident in the level of relative peace, social cohesion and positive development of the security architecture of the state. But the reverse was the case in Nigeria because for instance, over 190 people died in Kano state when Boko Haram stuck with bomb on the 20th of January, 2012. What a sad simple test on the security components of the Nigerian state!

The miasma of defeat that wafted in the air within the Nigerian security formations in that year alone culminated in the hoisting of Boko Haram's flag in states where Governors and military chiefs exist. The Human Rights Watch and the U.S Bureau of counter terrorism carried out their own independent investigations, but failed to appreciate the 'Nigerian factors' by concluding that Boko Haram members would probably desist from acts of terror if they get social and economic justice. Western world did not reckon with the fact that the concept of Boko Haram is a booming business both for the terrorists and the handlers of the Nigerian security apparatus. In fact, the effervescence of the institutional capacity of Boko Haram could be felt outside Nigeria in places like Niger Republic, Chad and Cameroon.

The sophistry with which Boko Haram operates became incomprehensible to the Nigerian government while this prompted an annual increase in the budgetary allocation for security which invariably serves as a 'veritable rich pot of soup' for the military chiefs. The sect waxed stronger and the then president, Goodluck Jonathan, eventually accepted and stated equivocally on January 8th, 2012 that Boko Haram has links in the military, police and the legislative arm of Nigerian government. 

The same problem faced by past political dispensations is the same dilemma confronting the regime of president Buhari because despite the relocation of the Nigerian armed forces operational station to the North East, though, some positive results were visibly acknowledged within the first four weeks the decision was made (Boko Haram retreated to the Mandara Mountains near Cameroon border), the move later proved to be a mere populist adventure in that officer corps of the Nigerian Army still complain bitterly of poor welfare, lack of adequate arms, perforation of coded systematic information and contradictory orders in the heat of onslaught or counter attacks. Consequently, we have witnessed increase in the number of victories on the path of Boko Haram group, lack of motivation for Nigerian soldiers, dissenting in form of refusal to fight or disagreement among superior and junior officers, and outright deserting of the army by those officers who soldiers said 'we do not understand what we were doing'.

The very phase where we are as a nation on the issue of Boko Haram is that phase of stage-managing the terrorists crises; because we have come to realize that this present political regime, just like the past, and its predecessors, is made up of propagandists, sycophants, lobbyists, clowns and bootlickers, but this time with the inclusion of some ethnocentric and religiously tinted irresponsible political psychopaths, who do not know what to do in government but are bent on staying in power for the sake of power.

We now pay huge and undisclosed ransom to Boko Haram at this stage to secure the release of those abducted en masse. Boko Haram even negotiates an unconditional release of some certain ranks of its officers before they accept our ransom. This phase is where we release, train, re-orientate some captured or willingly surrendered Boko Haram members and even, recruit them into the Nigerian Army.

At this level of nationally stage-managing the Boko Haram crises Nigerians do not know how much the security vote is anymore. Nigerians do not get to see what Boko Haram does on the TV anymore. Nigerians do not know the fates of over 2.3 million people displaced by the Boko Haram insurgency. We are now at a stage where we are at loss as to the capacity of the impending peril launchable by the devilish sect.

Part of the stage-managing effects is when the minister of information told us that Boko Haram has been technically defeated but we still perceive the ubiquity of the sect in the North East and beyond. The last straw that broke the camel's back in our situation is that, the success of Boko Haram as a group has metastasized countrywide into banditry  across the North; while kidnapping, raping and ruthless killings is the version in the South. The whole of these dramas, its daily implications and the trauma is now being accompanied by near total or absolute neglect by the government of the day.

We do not know what will become of Nigeria in the hands of Boko Haram because our own brand of terrorism is quite peculiar to Nigeria - just like our brand of corruption, politics, tribalism, religion, institutional failure and all of that.  In fact, another Boko Haram is in the making. The case of Al-zakzaky is similar to that of Muhammed Yusuf. It may look as if the Shiites do not have enough support due to its mild Islamic fundamentalism, but the moment their leader dies in detention, either of natural death or state-arranged his followers will become another set of terrorists we will have to deal with as a nation. 

How can we end/curb/cage or seriously engage insurgency, terrorism and religious fundamentalism?  Okay, let us first of all pretend as if we have reasonable rulers in Nigeria and as such, attempt the question with seriousness and patriotism. We have to understand that this trend of terrorism will not just go away in the name of prayer, blame game, partisan politics or wishful thinking; it is going to be through a holistic societal propagation and ideological underpinning.

The first thing is to harness all productive resources, be it stolen or grown, for the liberalization of the economy in order to achieve a near equilibrium employment/production of locally consumed goods, and in the long run redistribute social and economic wealth across the societal pyramid.

Secondly, free and compulsory education at all levels pending a period when the volume of Nigeria's export can be said to be inversely proportional to the inflationary gap created by exchange rate.

Thirdly, a complete overhaul of the current unreasonable centripetal federal structure we operate in Nigeria.  Restructuring to the old regional government is sacrosanct so that all the regions can develop at their respective pace. This will take care of fundamental issues such as: laws, social amenities and local government.

Lastly, social re-engineering is non-debatable at the regional level, so that the various regional ideologies can be all-encompassing and all-conditioning. This will eventually aim to re-orientate and re-position the citizenry in the light of what government entails and how the people should perceive their society.