Monday, 1 June 2020
LOOKING AT SOME CHALLENGES OF GLOBALIZATION AND THE POST-CORONAVIRUS WORLD ECONOMY
Tuesday, 26 May 2020
THE VEROCIOUSNESS OF CORONAVIRUS: EXPOSING THE DEFICIENCIES OF CAPITALISM AND THE INEVITABILITY OF DIALECTIC MATERIALISM
Saturday, 25 January 2020
STATEHOOD AND THE CRISIS OF SOCIAL CONTRACT IN NIGERIA: A CASE OF AMOTEKUN. By Kay Aderibigbe.
STATEHOOD AND THE CRISIS OF SOCIAL CONTRACT IN NIGERIA: A CASE OF AMOTEKUN.
By Kay Aderibigbe.
The Nigerian state, since inception in 1960, has been grappling with the contents, scope and definitions of certain do's and don'ts that revolve around who gets what, when and how. Consequently, different ideologies have continuously been infused into the federal paraphernalia agreed upon at the London constitutional conference of 1953. But the most problematic characterization of Nigeria's social contract idea is that the constitution keeps tilting towards centripetalism, instead of maintaining its initial centrifugal mannerisms that can help the federating units grow and blossom at their respective pace.
Due to numerous reasons, and obviously, the overloading of the exclusive legislative list (68 items), the federal government has failed considerably in discharging its primary duties of securing lives and property as enshrined in Sec 14 of the 1999 constitution. This very act of incapacitation on the path of federal government has become quite acute, most especially in the last ten years; thereby, prompting the six governors from Western Nigeria to come together, after months of deliberations, and launch what has been described as a supplementary effort to the conventional national security outfit with the code name 'Amotekun'.
Amotekun as a security ideology has been bitterly criticized and declared illegal by the federal government through the office of Attorney General of the Federation Mr Abubakar Malami. The reason for such condemnation according to the AGF stems from the fact that the outfit runs contrary to constitutional provisions in the second schedule, under items 17 and 45 of the 1999 constitution. Whereas, there is also a widely believed insinuation that a staid suspicion exists in the core North, whose indigenes dominate the present-day federal government, on the modus operandi of Amotekun.
The emerging reactions from different quarters concerning why the federal government made a move to outlaw Amotekun have polarized the country into there groups. One, the group of Western Nigerians who believe there is an urgent need to do more in terms of securing the West and their sympathizers who believe in restructuring. Two, the group of federal government who condemned Amotekun on the ground of illegality and those core Northerners who believe that Amotekun is embedded with sinister objectives. Three, the group of middle-range rational thinkers who are neither persuaded nor dissuaded by ethnic sentiments but by facts, fairness, realities and pragmatism.
All the groups have spoken as audibly as possible but I want to use this piece to echo the voice of the last group to the best of my ability. An empirical analysis of the concept of Amotekun will reveal some sound judgments about its making; the inherent advantages and its intrinsic flaws. Likewise we shall be able to juxtapose the essence of Amotekun with the functions of conventional security apparatus of the state and how it does not in the real sense undermine or amount to duplicity as espoused by some.
To start with, one should ask if Amotekun was a well-thought-out idea? We could say yes because the Western Nigeria is in dire need of an appropriate security after years of kidnappings, killings and robberies in daylights when people go about their normal businesses. We could as well say no because there is more to security than just the willingness to provide security. Economic factor, such as, funding (remunerations and maintenance), political factors such as communal relations, and psychological factors such as the scope of operations, training/orientation, and succession plan must be considered in setting up a security outfit of such large scale.
In the case of Amotekun, we are talking about a security outfit that consisted of a large number of uneducated and untrained personnel, but who are versatile in policing the terrain earmarked for its operations. It is not a bad idea to bring up such an arrangement in the face of necessity but how can we be so sure that this is not another OPC, or bandits in the making? We should be careful not to breed a Leviathan we may not be able to control. From the angle of viability therefore, in one word, since the Nigerian state is broke and the federating units are also poor, the progenitors of this noble idea should work more on the convocation of investment plans that can: foot the bill of a training institute for Amotekun; take care of its welfare; monitor its operations; candidly checkmate its excesses and sanction any erring member(s). Unless this is done, the same Amotekun we are happy about today will likely metamorphose into the highly detested OPC, the Nigerian police and a host of other security agencies that have become public nuisance to the Nigerian society.
The question of legality raised by the federal government, and the insistence of the governors of Western Nigeria to forge ahead with Amotekun has transmogrified into a political pregnancy which is capable of bringing forth anything; but only time can tell. Can one say the establishment of Amotekun is unconstitutional? We can say yes because the creation of such an outfit is under the exclusive competence of the federal government according to the 1999 constitution. While we can also say no because there are other security outfits such as Hisbah police in the North West and Civilian-JTF in the North East, whose establishment cannot be traced to the constitution but are still performing security functions under this same all laws-knowing federal government.
Though the existence of other security outfits in the North does not legitimize Amotekun in the real sense while a critical and philosophical appraisal of the constitution will find loopholes in our conventions and as such, negates the claims of the federal government. Let's take for instance, Lagos State laws forbids anyone from erecting street gates. But the activities of hoodlums and miscreants made it necessary for people to clamour for street gates all over the places and it has become a norm. Another example is a case where the federal government through the Office of Inspector General of Police licensed private security outfits to carry arms and function as defenders of the state despite the fact that the constitution does not expressly permit such activities.
As far as the case of Amotekun is concerned the question of legality shouldn't be the bone of contention. After all, the country is under-policed while the business of crime strives effortlessly. Since Sec 11(2) of our constitution encourages the government to ensure the peace, orderliness and good governance of its people, I believe the federal government should ask questions about the viability, operational scope and the political dimensions of this outfit called Amotekun. For instance, if a guarantee pact can be signed that the outfit will not be manipulated. This is because Amotekun is a supplementary program to the conventional policing system. Instead of rivaling or frustrating the endeavour, the federal government should support the outfit with a caveat or absolve Amotekun into the conventional police in order to provide succor to the people of the West. This way, the federal government will receive praise for restoring the strained relationship between the people and a government that has been described as dormant since 2015.
In conclusion, the very hue and cry about Amotekun should be politically managed because we do not want to witness a face-off between Western Nigeria and the federal government. The case of seizure of Lagos State allocations for 14 months by Obasanjo's government in 2014 for instance, though illegal, should remind one of how a dictator in a civilian garb could act irrespective of what a competent court says.
Monday, 18 November 2019
THE HATE SPEECHES BILL 2019: A Proposed Law from the stable of an unintelligent Senator. (By Kay Aderibigbe)
(By Kay Aderibigbe)
Monday, 28 October 2019
BUHARI'S ECONOMIC POLICIES: A clear pointer to lack of perspicacity in the areas of fiscal and monetary policies on the path of his handlers. (By Kay Aderibigbe)
Nigerians, with exaggerated hopes, listened and absorbed inadvertently, to all the lies and blames dished out by APC government on why the economy has failed and the consequent recession that dehydrated almost everyone and their businesses. The blame games was followed by Buhari's second stint at the helm of affairs with the attendant series of incongruent, disarticulated and haphazardly thought-out economic ideas, which could, on its own, crumble the already damaged economy left behind by his predecessors. Some of those ill-conceived ideas include the continuation of multiple exchange rate system, continuous borrowings, increment of VAT and the idea of budget financing through new and obnoxious taxes.
In the first place, it was Mr Buhari's idea of 'float-managing' the Naira (controlling the currency value through CBN intervention) that crashed the Naira against dollars. Had it been the Naira was completely floated by adopting a flexible exchange rate system, Naira would have gained value by now with the help of market forces, i.e. what we export and import.
On the issue of borrowings, one thing still remains a mystery ever since president Buhari decided to increase our debt from N4.96trillion in 2015 to N25.95trillion. We could not point to any tangible percentage of infrastructural development despite the fact that IMF and other creditor agencies actually allowed us to take these loans for the purpose of social and economic infrastructural investment. Another $3billion has just been approved by IMF in September for the sake of electricity; we shall wait and see what becomes of power supply.
The new VAT will be in operation by 2020 at the rate of 7.5%. This means that the policy makers did not see anything wrong in the 11.24% inflation rate. The implication of the new VAT is that the personal income tax which stood at 24% will suffer invisible or indirect increase because VAT and other forms of taxation are directly proportional to the velocity of money (the rate at which money is exchanged in an economy) and the purchasing power of money.
The other issue is that of financing the N1.859 trillion budget deficits of 2019 with tax and concessions. Since the government realized that the Fiscal Responsibility Act 2007 provided a shield where they can hide, as such, they decided to introduce new tax systems in order to cover up for their inability to boost common GDP with sound and business-friendly economic policies. Ordinarily, a good fiscal policy is meant to condition aggregate demand (consumptions, investments, government spendings and imports) with the main purpose of attaining price stability, full employment and economic growth. On the contrary, the Nigerian government uses contractionary fiscal policy instead of expansionary; they borrow money for looting instead of infrastructural investment; and also, legislated that future budgets could better be financed through the introduction of new taxes.
The minister of finance, Zainab Hamed, defended government's action by stating that oil revenue is dwindling at $57 per barrel even, when we supply 2.18million barrel per day. If that is the case, must the budget be financed by the masses hard earned money? What type of budget are we even talking about? A type of "budget that is characteristically deficit and synchronized with the pulse of the rich". If Nigeria intends to be a tax-collector state we should have a commensurate service for the people also. Not when N160billion is budgeted for the Universal Basic Education and other Educational Spendings, while the health system gets a paltry sum of N46billion. Even, the Inspector General of Police told the National Assembly that the N9.2billion approved in the 2019 budget for the police overhead cost cannot fuel police vehicles for six months.
There is no harm in taking from the rich oil companies in order to boost the economy. If the National Assembly could negotiate effectively on the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contract (Amendment) Bill 2018 that is awaiting a final touch, there is still a way forward. But not to be extorting those that: are underemployed or unemployed in large numbers, source their own water, ply bad roads daily, pay for electricity but get darkness, and above all, labour tirelessly for a currency that has little value.
The good move by Mr Buhari's government in the recent time is the partial closure of land borders for the purpose of filtering contents; and the idea of compelling commercial banks to grant loans to businesses. Though, the border issue wasn't critically defined because our production capacity is quite low. While the loan policy is suppose to capture certain critical sector(s) of the economy holistically. Altogether, he did well despite the overall shortcomings of his government. But invariably, the gains of all these ideas are going to be defeated in the long run because of the multiplier effects of the numerous unreasonable taxes he introduced.
It will be wise for Mr Buhari and his team of economic advisers to have a rethink and jettison the idea of milking the society for the purpose of budgets that does not have positive impact on the people. We must make good use of our population advantage and transform to a producer state. It is important to engage in industrialization as against our absolute dependency on fossil fuel. All those that have one thing or the other to do with Nigeria's fiscal and monetary policies should know that, "for a nation to try to tax itself into prosperity is like a man standing in a bucket and trying to lift himself up by the handle". (Sir Winston Churchill, in his Town Hall address to his party men in Malmesbury on December 18 1904).
Tuesday, 17 September 2019
XENOPHOBIA AND SOUTH AFRICA: A PRODUCT OF AFRICA'S INABILITY TO OPERATIONALIZE DEVELOPMENT By Kay Aderibigbe
By Kay Aderibigbe
This issue requires that I deplore a didactic tone (teaching) and also, be a bit pedantic (concerned with minor details). I may have to dwell on the contemporary, ecological and fundamental factors that aided the outburst and continuous recurrence of attacks on black foreigners in South Africa simply because, "every thinker, even the most abstract, is deeply influenced by the circumstance of his day" (J. Petrov Plamenatz,1966 p.9)
To start with, the incidence of the killing of blacks in South Africa does not fit into the definition of xenophobia, rather, it is known as blackophobia; with acute Nigeriaphobia. This is because those that are being targeted and killed from the year 2000 to date are blacks with special concentration on Nigerians. The situation has been condemned, justified and evaluated through various literature from different quarters in the last few days. But to my utmost amazement, despite the razzmatazz by diplomats, academics, politicians, and analysts none of these analyses has produced or suggested a laudable solution to the matter. Instead, various commentators speak from ethnocentric perspectives, talk about history, apportioned blames, proffer partial/temporary or no solution then draw the curtain on the matter.
For the sake of everyone and the intended future victims of this type of attack, I am going to break the issue into themes (thematic approach), narrow down the scope into topical units and draw conclusions on what I thought would be the best possible solution.
Quoting Mrs. Neledi Pandor, South Africa's foreign affairs minister, "my countrymen believe Nigerians are harming our youths". This very statement encompasses those issues espoused as the basis for the deep-seated hatred which resulted in the attacks. Let us assume the allegations of drug crime and human trafficking have been substantiated, does that justify the savagery and barbaric attacks on anyone in a country where the law exists? What happened to the police as an institution? Is the head of the police also conniving with Nigerians? What is the function of their judiciary? If rape cases, homicide and HIV/AIDS remain at its peak in South Africa without the local populace bating their eyelids in shame, then the attacks on Nigerians and other blacks, in my opinion, is nothing but pure hatred and intolerance.
If drug crime is the yardstick for killing Nigerians in South Africa then, we could as well say that some South Americans in the USA ought to have been killed for masterminding the importation of drugs into the USA. One good case study that will reveal how South Africa has failed to manage development in the 21st century is the recent arrest of 80 Nigerian fraudsters by the FBI. Why didn't Americans lynch them? Why were they not mobbed or burnt alive by victims of scams? That is the difference between a nation that has fine-tuned development and a society that is still grappling with the rudiments of social mobilization.
Talking about Nigeria and why we have numerous people moving out of the country in search of greener pastures, and in most cases, found of not properly conducting themselves in foreign lands is basically due to long years of economic decay and social disarticulation caused by leadership failure. This is why we are at the receiving end of so many maltreatments and abuses across the globe. The same leadership failure was at play when Nigeria's government spent billions of dollars in helping South Africa out of apartheid rule but failed to negotiate what Nigeria should get in return like the way Libya and Cuba did before April 27, 1994.
Now that our anti-apartheid $61bn efforts have been declared a waste, can Nigeria sever diplomatic ties with the 'rainbow nation'?. The answer is no. At least for now, it is affirmatively no. Why can't we? "The available statistics from the Nigerian high commission in Pretoria showed that over 800,000 Nigerians are legally living in South Africa" - Geoffrey Onyema, Nigeria's foreign affairs minister, (Punch, Friday 6, 2019). Another reason is that there are over twenty (20) South African businesses in Nigeria; ranging from banking, telecoms, distilling to merchandising. You should know what that means in terms of employment. Also, a yearly estimate of about $3.83bn foreign exchange earnings comes into Nigeria from South Africa (World Trade Report, 2018 p.16). Considering the insignificant less than 1% revenue of $514m Nigeria contributes to South Africa's wealth in terms of import, I think they would not feel the heat if we boycott their products.
According to South Africa's defense minister, Novisiwe Mapisa, "nothing can be done about the nature of the attack because it is based on anger". It is glaring from the above assertion that more blacks will still be attacked and killed in the nearest future. What can we do to at least reduce the effect of this crisis and eventually put a permanent stop to it?.
Since the failures of different economies in Africa was the reason for the influx of the black population into South Africa, then, it is sacrosanct we organize enabling economies around Africa in order to encourage Africans to stay in their countries of origin and harness local resources to cater for themselves. It may not seem easy but the best possible way to go about it is to adopt the European Union method.
Firstly, common currency with strong purchasing power will discourage the majority from migrating out of their native countries. For instance, if any unit of African currency can command the same value anywhere within the continent there will be less scramble for scarce resources that are concentrated in one single country while the type of socio-psychological erosion of lives that is happening in South Africa could be avoided. Secondly, a zero-tariff system on inter-African commodities will help develop the mass market, create employment and break the vicious cycle of poverty that is typical of the majority of African nations. Thirdly, easy and affordable movement of people, goods and services within Africa through a web of rail links will hasten the socio-economic decongestion of a place like South Africa where other blacks fellows are not welcomed.
The icing on the cake for this type of remodeled African union will be the adoption of a policy that looks like the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 by the European Union. With such a treaty, Africans can regulate immigration, labour, weight, security, domestic cum foreign affairs and judicial system on a parallel line without misplacing indigenous cultures and value systems.
It is a pity that Nigeria that needs African union of this type the most is the same country dragging everyone behind from enacting the necessary policies. The irony of the matter is that the same Nigeria and South Africa that are at loggerheads now are also the nations in the best position to push the rest of Africa into adopting a remodeled African Union that can save us from future economic doom and social unrest.
It is the economic success of the majority of African nations through supra-national political arrangements, economic Integration and social cohesion that can arrest the menace of xenophobia, blackophobia, the exportation of organized crime, chronic unemployment, and social tension. As long as South Africa remains relatively economically stable, and the rest of Africa are somewhat poor or static, people will continue to migrate into South Africa and there will always be reasons/excuses for the indigenous population that have been 'apartheidly' recreated to rise against foreigners in that country.